Shirley Chisholm Speech Essay Spm

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OVERVIEW

Chisholm, an outspoken advocate for the rights of women and minorities and an unfaltering critic of the Vietnam War, was shunned by the political establishment. The film reveals how this passionate and articulate woman gained the support of an unusual crew of political supporters, including blacks, feminists, and young voters. The story of her campaign and the obstacles she faced reveal what really happens "behind the scenes" as candidates maneuver their way to the White House.

POV documentaries can be taped off-the-air and used for educational purposes for up to one year from the initial broadcast. In addition, POV offers a lending library of DVDs and VHS tapes that you can borrow anytime during the school year — FOR FREE!


OBJECTIVES

  • Research the process of presidential elections as detailed in the U.S. Constitution
  • Evaluate the meaning of citizenship, representation and the importance of voting
  • Assess the role of political campaigns in a democracy
  • Explore the role of conventions in the electoral process
  • Learn more about the history of political representation of minorities in the U.S.
  • Gain skills they can use to analyze and evaluate media information

This lesson will also provide students with an opportunity to practice writing, speaking, listening, research and critical thinking skills.

GRADE LEVEL:
7-12

SUBJECT AREAS:
Civics / Government
Social Studies
U.S. History

MATERIALS

  • Videotape or DVD of Chisholm '72 -- Unbought and Unbossed and equipment to show it. POV documentaries can be taped off-the-air and used for educational purposes for up to one year from the initial broadcast.
  • Internet access for student research
  • copies of the U.S. Constitution

ESTIMATED TIME NEEDED: 3-5 class periods, plus homework preparation


BACKGROUND

Many schoolchildren are asked, as part of a class assignment, to imagine... "If you were president of the United States, what would you do? What laws would you change?" The president is the leader of our democracy, and the process of electing the president is taught as an example of our democracy at work. This process was set up in the United States Constitution, which requires a candidate for the presidency to meet three qualifications: to be at least 35 years old, a natural born citizen of the United States, and a resident of the United States for 14 years.
When asked why she declared her candidacy for President of the United States in 1972, Shirley Chisholm explained, "I ran because somebody had to do it first. In this country everybody is supposed to be able to run for President, but that has never really been true." Her campaign, as seen in the film, provides a case study for students to see the "behind the scenes" reality of waging a presidential campaign.

As the first African-American woman to run for President, Chisholm also represented an important opportunity for historically disenfranchised segments of the American population to have a "voice" in the nation's political scene. Her candidacy received support from various factions of the civil rights movement and from the growing women's rights movement. The film reveals the political maneuvering infamous in American politics, as Chisholm gains and loses supporters while forging the "Chisholm trail" to the 1972 Democratic political convention in Miami, Florida.

This lesson plan is designed to help students explore the realities of American presidential politics, and understand reasons why the candidate a voter believes is "the best candidate" may not be the one elected. The writing exercise and discussion will also help students learn about the historical significance of Chisholm as a Black woman running for national office, and the challenges she faced in her candidacy.


ACTIVITY

Procedure
Establish a framework for understanding the issues by reviewing the above background segment, viewing the documentary, and discussing the documentary and related issues. Students will do a preliminary homework assignment before viewing the film, then screen the film during two classroom periods. They will participate in a writing assignment on the issues presented in the film and conclude with a classroom discussion.

Before Viewing the Documentary
Have the students watch the film in two separate class periods. Prior to the first class screening of the film, assign students a homework assignment researching the process for U.S. Presidential elections. Students are to take notes on the following topics to assist in the discussion

  1. What does the U.S. Constitution say about how American citizens are to select their President?
  2. What are political conventions, and when were they first used in the process of electing presidents?
  3. Which amendment of the Constitution created the electoral college, and what role does that body play in choosing the president?

In addition to copies of the Constitution, more information can be found at these websites

The teacher may also assign sections of History or Social Studies books used by each grade on presidential elections.

Viewing the Documentary
While students watch the documentary during the two class periods, require them to take notes on the following topics to prepare for the writing assignment and discussion which will follow the screening

  • the issues and positions taken by Chisholm during the campaign;
  • the role of the media in covering the candidates;
  • Chisholm's role in encouraging voter registration;
  • the support of blacks and those involved in the civil rights movement;
  • the support of the women's movement for her candidacy;
  • the political maneuvering at the Miami convention.

After Viewing the Documentary
In order to focus the students on the documentary, have students engage in a 10-minute writing exercise before beginning discussion. For example, ask the students to write down and briefly discuss the two strongest arguments for, and against, the following statement:

"Shirley Chisholm's campaign for President of the United States in 1972 was more than symbolic. It made a true difference in the political history of this nation by allowing for the voice of blacks and females, long disenfranchised, to be 'heard' in the national debate on issues."

Guiding Questions for the Discussion

  1. What were the specific issues given special attention by Chisholm and her supporters during her campaign? How were the positions she took different (or similar) from the other 12 Democratic candidates?
  2. In the beginning of the film, several of Chisholm's supporters discuss how she engaged them in the political process in a way they had not been involved before. Why was this significant?
  3. Chisholm describes the reception she received from the male members of Congress when she joined their ranks in 1968. What was the significance of the "forty-two-five" story that she told?
  4. What role did the media play in presenting the candidates to the American public? Did the media hurt or help Chisholm's candidacy? The other candidates?
  5. Chisholm was one of the founders of the National Organization for Women (N.O.W.), and several speakers in the film talk about the support she received from the women's movement. How did that support fail her in the end?
  6. Chisholm was a leading member of the Congressional Black Caucus, but she did not receive their endorsement for president? Why not?
  7. Why were young people also special constituents of Chisholm's? What attracted them to her as a candidate?
  8. Pay particular attention to the "behind the scenes" events at the Miami Democratic convention. Why did Congressman Ron Dellums shift his support from Chisholm to McGovern? Why was this significant?

Assessment
Consider the following opportunities for assessment

  • Grade the students for completion of the homework assignment and participation in the discussion;
  • Grade the students for participation in class discussions;
  • Evaluate the writing assignments according to a rubric designed by the teacher;
  • Have students evaluated the credibility of information gathered on web sites? Have they taken initiative to follow up in reference books, printed books and articles?
  • Have students presented multiple perspectives in an objective way?
  • Have students made a persuasive case for why they favor one perspective over another?
  • Have students included explicit criteria in their presentation or written assignments for the basis of their stand on any given issue?
  • Have students demonstrated an awareness of the competing claims that different people or groups can make on an issue?
  • Have students demonstrated an awareness of the stakes involved in disagreements about issues relating to cultural authority and ethnic identity?

EXTENSIONS

  1. Ask students to write a research paper on the last three presidential campaigns. Who were the major candidates, and what were their positions on the issues? Did they represent diverse segments of the American population? How many women and representatives of minority groups were among the serious candidates?

    Print Resources:
    - Hicks, Nancy. The Honorable Shirley Chisholm, Congresswoman from Brooklyn. Lion Books, 1974.
    - Pollack, Jill S. Shirley Chisholm. Watts Franklin, 1994.
    - Scheader, Catherine. Shirley Chisholm: Teacher and Congresswoman. Enslow Publishers, 1990.
    - Chisholm, Shirley. Unbought and Unbossed: An Autobiography. New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1970.
    - Chisholm, Shirley. The Good Fight. New York; Harper & Row, 1973.
    - Records 1960-1978, 49 cu. Ft. of the New Democratic Coalition of New York. Rutgers, University Libraries, Special Collections and University Archives. New Brunswick, New Jersey.

  2. Have students write a personal biography of Shirley Chisholm, who died in January 2005. There is information in the film about her childhood in Barbados and her early career as an educator. Students should refer to other biographical resources. At the end of the film Chisholm says, "I want to be remembered as a woman who fought for change in the twentieth century." Did she achieve her goal?
  3. Invite a politician or activist who was politically active in the 70's to visit the class and discuss the political times with the students... You could also invite someone who broke a color or sexual barrier in a local or state political body to share what it was like to be the first black, Hispanic, Asian or woman to hold political office in their community.
  4. Ask students to write a research paper on the history of the disenfranchisement of women and minorities in the United States. What is the history of voting rights for these groups? What developments in the civil rights and women's movements led to the groups gaining the right to vote? How did these developments change the face of U.S. electoral politics?

    Web Resources:
    - The State of Black American Politics
    - National Organization for Women
    - 10 For Change

    Print Resources:
    - Lucius Barker, Mack Jones, and Katherine Tate. African Americans in the American Political System. Prentice Hall: Englewood Cliffs New Jersey, 1994.
    - John Hope Franklin and Alfred Moss. From Slavery to Freedom. McGraw Hill: New York, 1947; 8th edition 2000.
    - Michael Dawson. Behind the Mule: Race and Class in American Politics. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.


STANDARDS

These standards are drawn from "Content Knowledge," a compilation of content standards and benchmarks for K-12 curriculum by McRel (Mid-continent Research for Education and Learning).

Civics

Standard 1: Understands ideas about civic life, politics, and government

Level IV [Grade 9-12], Benchmark 1.
Understands how politics enables a group of people with varying opinions and/or interests to reach collective decisions, influence decisions, and accomplish goals that they could not reach as individuals (e.g., managing the distribution of resources, allocating benefits and burdens, managing conflicts

Level IV, Benchmark 6.
Understands major arguments for the necessity of politics and government (e.g., people cannot fulfill their potential without politics and government, people would be insecure or endangered without government, people working collectively can accomplish goals and solve problems they could not achieve alone)

Standard 8: Understands the central ideas of American constitutional government and how this form of government has shaped the character of American society

Level IV, Benchmark 3.
Knows the major ideas about republican government that influenced the development of the United States Constitution (e.g., the concept of representative government, the importance of civic virtue or concern for the common good)

Level IV, Benchmark 6.
Understands how various provisions of the Constitution and principles of the constitutional system help to insure an effective government that will not exceed its limits

Standard 13: Understands the character of American political and social conflict and factors that tend to prevent or lower its intensity

Level III [Grade 6-8], Benchmark 4.

Knows reasons why most political conflict in the United States has generally been less divisive than in many other nations (e.g., a shared respect for the Constitution and its principles, a sense of unity within diversity, willingness to relinquish power when voted out of office, willingness to use the legal system to manage conflicts, opportunities to improve one's

Level IV, Benchmark 5.
Knows how universal public education and the existence of a popular culture that crosses class boundaries have tended to reduce the intensity of political conflict (e.g., by creating common ground among diverse groups)

Standard 14: Understands issues concerning the disparities between ideals and reality in American political and social life

Level IV, Benchmark 2.
Knows discrepancies between American ideals and the realities of American social and political life (e.g., the ideal of equal opportunity and the reality of unfair discrimination)

Standard 17: Understands issues concerning the relationship between state and local governments and the national government and issues pertaining to representation at all three levels of government

Level IV, Benchmark 3.
Knows the many ways citizens can participate in the political process at local, state, and national levels, and understands the usefulness of other forms of political participation in influencing public policy (e.g., attending political and governmental meetings, demonstrating, contacting public officials, writing letters, boycotting, community organizing, petitioning, picketing)

Standard 28: Understands how participation in civic and political life can help citizens attain individual and public goals

Level III, Benchmark 1.

Understands how participation in civic and political life can help bring about the attainment of individual and public goals (e.g., personal goals such as living in a safe and orderly neighborhood, obtaining a good education, living in a healthy environment; public goals such as increasing the safety of the community, improving local transportation facilities, providing opportunities for education and recreation)

Level IV, Benchmark 3.
Knows the many ways citizens can participate in the political process at local, state, and national levels, and understands the usefulness of other forms of political participation in influencing public policy (e.g., attending political and governmental meetings, demonstrating, contacting public officials, writing letters, boycotting, community organizing, petitioning, picketing)

Level IV, Benchmark 4.
Knows historical and contemporary examples of citizen movements seeking to expand liberty, to insure the equal rights of all citizens, and/or to realize other values fundamental to American constitutional democracy (e.g., the suffrage and civil rights movements)

US History
Standard 31: Understands economic, social, and cultural developments in the contemporary United States

Level IV, Benchmark 5.

Understands major contemporary social issues and the groups involved (e.g., the current debate over affirmative action and to what degree affirmative action policies have reached their goals; the evolution of government support for the rights of the disabled; the emergence of the Gay Liberation Movement and civil rights of gay Americans; continuing debates over multiculturalism, bilingual education, and group identity and rights vs. individual rights and identity; successes and failures of the modern feminist movement)

About the Author
LaTanya Bailey Jones is a media literacy educator. Jones has served as Director of the Maryland Campaign for Kids' TV and as media literacy coordinator for Baltimore City Public Schools. Jones has served as a media literacy consultant to Maryland Public TV, Discovery Communications and is a founding member of the Board of Directors of the Alliance for a Media Literate America (AMLA), Inc.

Shirley Chisholm was the first African American woman elected to Congress, winning her seat in 1968 despite what she described as the "double drawback of being female and having skin darkened by melanin."1 Her campaign slogan was, "Fighting Shirley Chisholm - Unbought and Unbossed." It was a credo she stuck to throughout 14 years in Congress and in the 1972 presidential campaign, when she became the first black woman to seek a major party nomination for the White House.

Born in Brooklyn, Shirley Anita St. Hill was the oldest of four girls whose parents had emigrated from the West Indies. At the age of 3 she was sent to Barbados to be raised by her grandmother on the family farm. She was educated in the island's British-style school system and picked up traces of a British West-Indian accent that would flavor her speech as an adult. At age 10, Shirley St. Hill rejoined her parents in Brooklyn. Her mother was a seamstress and domestic worker; her father was a baker and factory worker who admired black nationalist leader Marcus Garvey.

Shirley St. Hill attended a selective public high school in New York and earned high marks. At Brooklyn College, St. Hill joined the campus debate club, where she stood out as skilled public speaker. She also became increasingly aware of the pervasive racial discrimination in the United States. St. Hill found that blacks were not welcome in campus social clubs, and that white liberals who came to speak about racial problems often described African Americans as "another breed, less human than they."2 Looking back, Chisholm told an interviewer: "In college, I became angry."3 She grew skeptical of most politicians, especially those claiming to befriend the underprivileged. "Political organizations are formed to keep the powerful in power," St. Hill observed. Before long, she would challenge that system.

After graduating in 1946, Shirley St. Hill worked as a nursery school teacher and day care center director. In 1949, she married Jamaican immigrant Conrad Chisholm, a school teacher and private investigator. In 1952, Shirley Chisholm earned a graduate degree in early childhood education from Columbia University. Because of her debating skills, one of Chisholm's professors encouraged her to get into politics. She became active in the New York Democratic Party and, in 1964, Chisholm won a landslide victory for a seat in the state assembly. Chisholm built a reputation as an independent and outspoken politician. In 1968, she defeated civil rights activist James Farmer to represent New York City's 12th Congressional District, which included parts of Manhattan, Brooklyn and Queens.

Rep. Chisholm waged her first campaign against Washington's power establishment within days of arriving at the Capitol. Ignoring the tradition that freshman lawmakers should be seen and not heard, she protested her assignment to an obscure committee on Forestry and Rural Villages. "Apparently all they know here in Washington about Brooklyn is that a tree grew there," she said. "I can think of no other reason for assigning me to the House Agriculture Committee."4 When she was moved to the Veterans Affairs Committee, Chisholm noted approvingly that there were many more veterans than trees in her district.

When Chisholm ran for president in 1972, she campaigned neither as the black nor the female candidate - though she was proud to be both black and female - but the candidate of the people. Sen. George McGovern easily defeated Chisholm and other contenders for the Democratic nomination, then lost to incumbent Republican President Richard Nixon in the general election. Chisholm's campaign was viewed, then as now, as largely symbolic. But she shrugged off the dismissive treatment her candidacy often got, predicting that future political campaigns by women and minorities would find a smoother path "because I helped pave it."5 She also helped create institutions that would pry apart the gates of political exclusion, including the Congressional Black Caucus and the National Women's Political Caucus.

Chisholm retired from Congress in 1982. Historian Julie Gallagher says Chisholm was a tireless champion for women, working people, minorities and the poor, but that she had few of the Washington networks or powerful allies needed to help pass meaningful legislation. "Chisholm's leadership remained an important symbol and inspiration to many, but as a legislator, she was not particularly successful," Gallagher wrote.6 Still, Chisholm has been an inspiration to generations of women and African Americans, a trailblazer who helped open up American politics to women and minorities. Democratic Rep. Maxine Waters of California remembered Chisholm: "There she was -- this feisty, articulate woman among all these white men -- daring to speak her piece and challenge the system. It was awesome."7

One of Chisholm's former legislative aids remembered the spectacle that the diminutive congresswoman made as she strode the mostly-male corridors of power. "Congress would only give secretarial or clerk positions to people like me," Laura W. Murphy wrote. "People would stare at [Chisholm] when she walked down the hall, because invariably a large entourage of professional staff women followed wherever she went."8

After leaving Congress, Chisholm taught at Mount Holyoke College and was an energetic supporter of the Reverend Jesse Jackson's 1984 and 1988 presidential campaigns. In 1993, She turned down President Bill Clinton's offer of an ambassadorship to Jamaica, and settled on the Florida coast. Shirley Chisholm died in 2005.

When Chisholm gave this speech at Howard University in 1969, the campus had been through months of sometimes violent upheaval. The unrest sprang from a variety of factors: reaction to the killing of Martin Luther King Jr. a year earlier, protests against the war in Vietnam, the increasing militancy of the black power movement, and student clashes with Howard's administration over housing and academic issues. Speaking to a filled auditorium, Chisholm argued that "power concedes nothing" unless challenged, but that "black power" would never be more than a protest slogan unless African Americans took action from within the political system as well as out on the streets.

Listen

Thank you very much for that wonderful introduction. Good afternoon, students, I usually speak extemporaneously because I like to see what is happening as I try to bring a message to you. But there's so many things that I have on my mind this afternoon and in the interest of time, as well as to give you the opportunity to ask me any kind of questions you desire, I'm going to read my speech today. At another time when I'm not so pressured, I will speak extemporaneously on many, many things that I want to bring to you from time to time.

While nothing is easy for the black man in America, neither is anything impossible. Like old man river, we are moving along and we will continue to move resolutely until our goal of unequivocal equality is attained. We must not be docile, we must not be resigned, nor must we be inwardly bitter. We must see ourselves in an entirely new perspective and we cannot sit in our homes waiting for someone to reach out and do things for us.

Every tomorrow has two handles; we can take hold of the handle of anxiety, or the handle of faith. And the first battle is won, my brothers and sisters, when we fight for belief in ourselves, and find that it has come to us while we are still battling. We must not allow petty things to color our lives and stimulate them into vast proportions of evil. To dwell on every slight and clutch it close to our breast and nourish it will corrode our thinking. We're on the move now, and as Frederick Dougless said, "Power concedes nothing without a struggle." It never has, and it never will.

The United States can no longer afford the luxury of costly morally, religiously, and ethically wrong racial discrimination. For America needs all of her citizens with their abilities developed to make a fuller contribution to the future. Many problems scream loudly in this country. The thousands of black citizens disenfranchised, living under degrading conditions. The millions of poor in this nation, white and black, who lack the bare rudiments for fruitful living. The rapidly growing numbers of children caught in a web of disillusionment which destroys their will to learn. The increasing numbers of aged who do not even look forward to rest or retirement.

And despite the historic legislation in our cities and our states, nearly eleven million black citizens today still live in basic ghetto communities of our cities. From decades of non-participation, or only modest participation, the black man has within the last two years shifted his goal to full political participation for full American citizenship. And while on the picket line at the lunch counter and on the bus and the store boycott the black man came face to face with the full breadth and weight of the power of influence exercised by local and state governments intertwining and often stifling the protests.

Indeed, a principle byproduct of the American Civil Rights Movement has been the awakening of the black citizen to his awesome political potential. And just as the picket line and the lunch counter demonstrations and the boycotts were dramatic and effective weapons of protest for the civil rights movement, the polling place is the new phase in the new thrust of the black man's bid for equality of opportunity. "Power concedes nothing." How else can any man rise to power and hold sway over millions or tens of thousands except by smothering dissenting voices?

Freedom is an endless horizon, and there are many roads that lead to it. We must walk arm in arm with other men, and we must struggle toward goals which are commonly desired and sound. We must give and lend to the youth for stronger voice and encourage their individuality. We must look to the schools and constantly work for their improvement because that is where the future leadership of the country will be coming from to a large extent, particularly in the black communities.

The leaders of today in the black communities must be able to place the goal of freedom ahead of personal ambition. The truly dedicated leader follows what his conscience tells him is best for his people. For whatever else the black man is, he is American. Or whatever he is to become integrated, unintegrated, or disintegrated he will become it in America. Only a minority of black people have ever succumbed to the temptation to seek greener pastures of another country or another ideology. You know, so often nowadays we hear people say that we should go back to Africa, we should establish ourselves in Africa, or we should do a lot of other things.

Well if people want to go back to Africa or people want to go to Africa just like people want to go to Europe, that's their own personal business. And you do it voluntarily. I don't intend to go to Africa, I intend to stay here and fight because the blood, sweat, and tears of our forefathers are rooted in the soil of this country. And the reason that Wall Street is the great financial center that it is today is because of the blood sweat and tears of your forefathers who worked in the tobacco and the cotton fields.

And now because this nation is a mercantile nation and is enjoying the efforts and the labor of many of our forefathers, many of us want to escape and many of us want to run away. We didn't ask to be brought here in the first place. We came here shackled in chains at our ankles and our wrists and we were a cheap supply of labor and we worked.

We did many, many things. And now that the problem is becoming a little bit too hot. Everybody has all kinds of solutions for us. If you want to go to Africa willingly, you can go, just like other people in this country go to Europe, willingly. Nobody has to tell you or create something special for you. Our roots are here and our blood and sweat and our tears are here. And we're going to stay here. And we're going to fight.

For years, thousands of people from the European shores have been coming to this land. They came here hardly able to speak the English language but they came here and acquired the technological knowhow and they acquired the necessary skills that enabled them to become assimilated in the American culture and to move out and up into the American middle class. Hardly speaking English.

But we who have been born here, we who have been citizens by birth have not been able to become fully assimilated in the American culture because of an unmistakable and almost insurmountable barrier that just will not disappear because color doesn't disappear. And so, it behooves us to stay here and to fight. We have made this land, even though we have not been given the recognition, and nobody has to create any little nation or any little group and send us scuttling off. We want to go, we go. Freedom of choice.

The black man's total commitment to America indicate that the prospect ahead does seem bright. It is true that we are angry about our present plight for we measure this country not by her achievements but by her potential. "Black power." Oh how that phrase upsets so many people. Let me give you my definition of "Black power." Black power is no different from any other kind of power in this country.

Just as I told you a few moments ago, the people from European countries came here and found their way in the American scheme of things after they were able to get a certain kind of economic and financial security, the next thing that they became interested in was to achieve power to control their own destinies. And so for example in New York City you had at one time the Germans of ascendency then you had the Italians then you had the Jewish people and the Irish. Every other group moving out to get power to control their destinies.

But nobody had to label that as "white power" because it was understood and assumed that it would always be white power. Now that we are beginning to do what they have been telling us to do for a long time, take ourselves up by our bootstraps and begin to consolidate our efforts and move out like every other group has moved out in America. Everybody is so hysterical and panic stricken because of the adjective that precedes the word power: "black." You know it would have been hoped in this country that we would never have to use the word "black" before the word "power" because America has been built on series of immigrants coming into this land rising up and moving out in terms of achieving power to control their lives.

But you see, they made one mistake. They thought that because we had been relegated for such a long time to a subservient position and that we had accepted rather docilely the position of second class citizenship that we would never rise up that we would never speak out. And so when we began to say to the world in our own way that we too know and understand what other groups have been doing for a long time in this country. Consolidating and using our power and our efforts to move up and we want the world to know that it is "black power" because we have learned what other groups have been learning and doing for a long time in this country and people just have to get used to that word "black power"

It is indeed a reality that is gaining in emotional intensity if not always rational clarity. The harnessing and the solidification of Afro-American power however, is constantly being dissipated with factionalism. Internal struggle for power by one group over another. This behavior is no different from that of the whites. But we as a people cannot afford the luxury of fighting among ourselves if we are going to make real progress.

And Black people will gain only as much as they can through their ability to organize independent bases of economic and political power. Through boycotts, electoral activity, rent strikes, etcetera. Black power is concerned with organizing the rage of black people. Organizing the rage. And is putting new hard questions and demands to white America. We will build a new sense of community among our people. We will foster a bond between those who have made it and those on the bottom.

As Charles Hamilton says "Alienation will be overcome, and trust will be restored." And let us remember, that a great people are not affected by each puff of wind that blows ill. We must fight constantly for belief in ourselves and above all we must hearken back to the days of darkness when Frederick Douglass the great abolitionist, even in those times, echoed the famous phrase that has come realistically to haunt the black people today in America as they fight to enter the political, economic, and social mainstream of these United States, the land of their birth. And that phrase is "power concedes nothing"

Let me say to you, my brothers and sisters, that until we can organize to create black unity with an economic base. Until we can develop a plan for action to achieve the goals to make us totally independent and not have to look to the man in order to live, we are not liberated. We must become doers and producers in the system in order to be able to control our own destinies. We have the potential, but we must consolidate all of our strength for eventual liberation.

And the black man's responsibility today is to establish his own values and his own goals. In doing so he will be affecting the larger American society of which he is a part. The black man and the black woman cannot, however, act alone. They must act within a community or family, job, and neighborhood. Let us not kid ourselves into thinking that the white man is suddenly going to make the choice readily available. The new day will come with honest black pride, and unified black action and education, politics and economics. Why it has taken us so long to discover this simple approach is one of the mysteries of the twentieth century. The Jews, the Poles, and the Slovaks discovered this phenomenon years ago. Compassion and understanding may moralize the system periodically, but it will never make it honest, just, and decent for us.

Only the application of economic and political power can achieve that goal. "Black is beautiful." You hear that phrase a great deal. Black is beautiful in what you do to contribute to the building of a strong black community throughout this country. The time now is to counteract the poison that has inflicted ignorance and hatred in the American social and political body. In seeking your identity you can explore your African heritage not simply by adopting the outward manifestations of African dress and appearance, but by going beyond the roots of that superficial type of thing that many of us might be doing to learn about contemporary Africa and it's people.

I talk with so many people who affect these manifestations and they don't know anything about Africa. Learn about contemporary Africa and it's people. And to appreciate that you and they have tremendous historical and cultural links that there is much that we can offer to each other's growth. Nineteen sixty- eight has clearly and painfully demonstrated the degree of stress and alienation that afflicts all of our institutions. Our young people have questioned the validity of traditional university education. They and many of their elders have fought against the tragic depletion of human and material resources in a complex Asian conflict that seems only to attract simple answers. The fabric of our incomplete nationhood has been torn down. The seam of black/white confrontation in this country.

We need a liberated and developing black community in America that once it has fully discovered it's inherent worth and power, turns to the even greater task of protecting and enlarging upon it's triumphs by further enriching an American culture that already has drawn so much from the black life stream. We need black businessmen who can rise beyond the local tax and spend and make dollars as well as cents for a black community that plays a full part in all levels of government. And there can be no understanding of the recent rioting of northern black ghettos or any realistic analysis of it's impact upon the civil right's movement in the nation, without the realization that black citizens have just pressing and long neglected grievances.

We do not erupt simply for exercise. We do not curse imaginary obstacles and procedures. Our resentments are not the product of a momentary flare-up, but of years of postponement, denial, insult, and abuse. The conscience of political democracy cries out for an end to false democracy. It has just been inevitable that black Americans are tired of being governed by laws they had no part in making. And by officials in who's choice they have no voice. It is idiotic to labor under the old the white supremacist supposition: that a white man knows what's good for the black man.

The non-white American is saying, "We no longer want tokens which will only take us on a subway ride. We want some bread, some meat, and a slice, not a sliver pie, the same way any other ethnic group receives under this system." In humanitarian terms, the war on poverty must be fought wherever it is found. Part of the battle must be fought with the establishment of the hundred dollars per week minimum for all Americans so that subsidation by welfare authorities is drastically reduced. And a man is paid a decent living wage in today's automated society. In today's most affluent society, if you please. The goal must be $2.50 per hour. A national minimum for all Americans. This reduces poverty.

More crassly put, we will be able to get more people off welfare and relief roles, and on to tax roles. we can get them out of the alleys of society and into the mainstream of productive society and productive employment where they can support themselves and their dependants with dignity and pride. Where they can contribute to the growth and strength of the nation's economy.

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